Youth Violence-crime Or Self-help The Wire Season 1 Episode 11 The Hunt The wire Episode eleven the hunt . Watch episode eleven and read the reading write

Youth Violence-crime Or Self-help The Wire Season 1 Episode 11 The Hunt The wire Episode eleven the hunt . Watch episode eleven and read the reading write 300 words blog American Academy of Political and Social Science
Youth Violence—Crime or Self-Help? Marginalized Urban Males’ Perspectives on the
Limited Efficacy of the Criminal Justice System to Stop Youth Violence
Author(s): Deanna L. Wilkinson, Chauncey C. Beaty and Regina M. Lurry
Source: The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 623,
Race, Crime, and Justice: Contexts and Complexities (May, 2009), pp. 25-38
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. in association with the American Academy of
Political and Social Science
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40375884
Accessed: 07-03-2017 16:40 UTC
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Sage Publications, Inc., American Academy of Political and Social Science are collaborating
with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Annals of the American Academy of
Political and Social Science
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In 1983, sociologist Donald Black proposed the theory
of “Crime as Social Control,” in which he argued that
for the socially disadvantaged, crime is commonly
moralistic and can be characterized as self-help in the
pursuit of justice when legal protection fails. This arti-
cle uses Blacks theory as a framework to assess the
role of violence among African American male youth
in disadvantaged urban communities in New York
Youth
Violence Crime or
Self-Help?
Marginalized
City. Using in-depth interview data for 416 young vio-
lent male offenders, the authors analyze youths’ per-
spectives on their personal safety; access to legal,
governmental, and communal protection from violence; the effectiveness of the criminal justice system
and police in addressing crime and violence in their
neighborhoods; and the need to rely on self- and
group/gang-protection as a means of social control.
The implications for self-help theory are discussed.
Keywords: African American; youth violence; selfhelp; social control; marginalization; racial-
Urban Males’
ized groups; police protection
Perspectives on
the Limited
Efficacy of the
every society, cultural norms for behavior
determine social deviance and the laws that
govern social conduct. Cultural norms are produced by the dominant society, and within this
framework, the needs, norms, protection, and
Criminal Justice grievances of marginalized groups are commonly
System to Stop
Youth Violence
ignored. Given this reality, Black argues that
individuals in marginalized groups are forced to
take the law “into their own hands” (Black 1983,
1993). He calls this phenomenon self-help and
describes the conditions under which crime rep-
resents such self-help. Researchers, policy
makers, and criminal justice officials provide statistics “proving” that black males are more likely
By
DEANNA L. WILKINSON,
CHAUNCEY C. BEATY,
and
REGINA M. LURRY
than other marginalized groups to commit
crimes. As Piquero (2008, 60) reports, “Across
many years and data sources, statistics on criminal activity consistently point to race differences
in crime, with rates of minorities, especially
those of blacks, consistently dwarfing the rates of
whites.” African Americans are also more likely
DOI: 10.1177/0002716208330484
ANNALS, AAPSS, 623, May 2009
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25
26 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY
to experience criminal or juvenile justice proce
stage of juvenile justice, black male youth are
are more likely than others to be under surv
tenced to longer prison terms (Conley 1994
Compared to whites and Latinos, black yout
contact (Hagan, Shedd, and Payne 2005). Ind
most likely to be exposed to high-impact
(2006, 615) point out, such youths’ negative
believe that they are viewed as “symbolic a
approach as dangerous/violent because of t
on. As such, members of this population tend
distrust of governmental authorities (Fine
available police protection (Carr, Napolitan
the prominent reasons youth give for not cal
In this study, we examine crime-involved
of their own personal safety within their
efficacy of police and the criminal justice
flict situations, with an eye to their implicat
theory. Conceptualizing self-help as the us
to address a grievance, we classify violent
(grievance) that initiates them. Furthermo
teristics of such events and consider whe
Deanna L. Wilkinson is an associate professor in t
Family Science at The Ohio State University. She
Identity (LFB Scholarly Publications 2003) and num
the Society for Research on Adolescence’s Young I
Chauncey C. Beaty earned a master of arts in Afric
Ohio State University in 2008. Her research interest
studies, and white appropriation of blackness. Cu
self-discovery retreats and workshop for women an
Senate for her achievement and participation in
Leadership. She is also a spoken word artist.
Regina M. Lurry was a research associate at The Ohi
She has worked as a probation officer, gang inv
program administrator.
NOTE: The New York City Youth Violence Study wa
Guggenheim Foundation, Centers for Disease Con
Justice, National Science Foundation, and William
through funds from the National Institute of Justic
McBryde, Brice Williams, and Gizem Erdem for r
Miglin for helpful comments. Please address corr
College of Education and Human Ecology, Depar
Science, The Ohio State University, 135 Campbell H
.110@osu.edu.
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YOUTH VIOLENCE- CRIME OR SELF-HELP? 27
whether violent events are otherwise br
While our interpretations and framings o
and their aftermath draw on the self-he
to better understand how racialized group
In so doing, the research sheds light on one
the way justice is distributed in the mod
Self-Help Theory and Con
of How Race Matters
Black (1993) argues that crime becomes social control when state law and
protection fail. Therefore, many offenses committed by members of marginalized
groups are said to involve a moralistic pursuit of justice. Because of the moral
nature of such crime, Black (1993, 6) posits that these incidents are acts of self-help,
“the expression of a grievance by unilateral aggression such as personal violence or
property destruction.” He further notes that people are more or less likely to
engage in this form of self-help when (1) law is unavailable to those with grievances;
(2) law is unavailable to the victim in comparison with the offender; and (3) law is
available, but not to those against whom one would employ self-help (Black 1993).
Adolescents and minorities are likely groups for whom formal law is often unavailable because of their low social status. Thus, at least a portion of their crimes could
involve self-help to resolve conflicts.
Black (1983, 40) explained that most violent conduct of those in subordinate
social positions is “intended as a punishment or other expression of disapproval,
whether applied reflectively or impulsively, with coolness or in the heat of passion.”
Thus, as an attempt to gain reparation for a violation, a violent act or property
damage may ensue instantly or long after the initial violation. What appears to be
unimportant to the police, and members of the dominant group, may be perceived as a major violation for young minority males – a violation that is accepted
as worthy enough for killing or being killed (Black 1983). Indeed, Black (1983)
reports that acts of self-help may be more unforgiving and harsh than actions that
would be taken by the law.
Hawkins (1986) and West (1994) proposed race-specific explanations for violent
crime among blacks in America that are consonant with self-help theory. Hawkins
argues that violence by blacks is explained by facts such as (1) the criminal justice
system s devaluing of black life; (2) past and present racial and social class differences in the administration of justice; and (3) economic deprivation, which creates
a climate of powerlessness in which individual acts of violence are likely to occur.
Connecting self-help with racial subordination, he suggests that “social economic
disadvantage generates sociopathological conditions in which violent crime among
lower class blacks represents a socially disapproved, but predictable, effort to
achieve some measure of control in an environment characterized by social, polit-
ical and economic powerlessness” (p. 125). Hawkins identifies social learning and
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28 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY
the existence of a positive attitude towar
through which violent self-help becomes a pr
argues that the result of nihilism in black Am
others and a self-destructive disposition to
accumulated effect of the black wounds and s
society is a deep-seated anger, boiling sens
regarding Americas will to justice” (p. 28)
young people is important: so many of th
America is not merely a lie, but it doesn’t ev
poor black people decently, humanly, and e
for their despair” (West 2008, p. xiii).
Empirical Studies of Violen
Control or Self-Help
Since the publication of Blacks expositio
empirical studies have examined self-help the
homicide (Peterson 2002), vengeance (Phill
robberies of drug dealers (Topalli, Wright,
1994), and youth violence (de Haan and Ni
studies have particular relevance for the cu
and Fornango (2002) studied how drug deale
dle their situations outside of the law. They f
tims use self-help (i.e., violence) to gai
deterrence against future attacks. Peterso
homicides in St. Louis revealed that 81 pe
three self-help motivational categories” (p. 11
or self-defense. Finally, de Haan and Nijbo
Amsterdam and Groningen. Their interview
which juvenile violence reflects self-help: (
system, (2) a subculture of group or neighb
threat of violence. They conclude that “Sel
tively autonomous form of informal social co
and characteristic features” (p. 18).
Methods
The data for this research are from the New York City Youth Violence Study,
a qualitative investigation of 416 active violent offenders from two New York City
neighborhoods: East New York in Brooklyn and Mott Haven in the South Bronx.
These areas were selected because of their high levels of poverty and violent
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YOUTH VIOLENCE- CRIME OR SELF-HELP? 29
crime. The interview data were gathered
(Wilkinson 2003). The sampling design ta
teen and twenty-four from three pools of
handgun possession or a violent offense (th
percent), individuals injured in a violent tra
15 percent), and individuals identified b
involved in violence in the previous six mon
or 49 percent). The research reported be
African American subjects (49 percent). H
Latino, and Latino youth evidence patter
Wilkinson [2003, 2007] for additional details
The in-depth interviews took one to
trained “peer” interviewers, recruited t
with a nonprofit organization that provid
leaving Rikers Island. Participants were p
were recorded, transcribed, and analy
methods. They covered family experienc
ships, neighborhood processes and violen
(exposure to community violence), guns,
future goals, and views on solutions to yout
based on respondents’ reports on 778 viol
event protocol included questions about t
of the event, characteristics of opponent
of alcohol/drugs, injuries, police activity
(Wilkinson 2003).
Results
In general, and as reported in Table 1, m
socially acceptable agency in controlling
report that neither the criminal justice sys
to reduce youth violence in neighborhood
many youth feel justified in being involv
tem as failing to make their neighborhoo
youths’ reports is their profound lack of ac
situations despite their heightened exposu
personal grievances. The investigation als
role of the authorities in enhancing vio
validity of young men’s issues and grieva
of equal protection. The discussion is organi
African American youth understand and re
from violence: (1) the community context t
police corruption and police officers’ mo
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30 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY
TABLE 1
PERSPECTIVE ON THE EFFICACY OF OFFICIALS IN
REDUCING VIOLENCE IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD
Do You Feel
Doing Its Part to Reduce
Violence in Your Community Religious The Criminal The Police
Neighborhood? Leaders Leaders Justice System Department
Yes
24
35
Somewhat
31
8
31
12
10
They are trying 20 24 10 12
They are present, but using 0 0 21 21
wrong tactics
Leaders can’t do anything 2 0 0 0
No
128
Hell
I
69
no
don’t
110
3
know
0
3
127
7
5
6
5
0
There are no religious leaders 0 24 0 0
I don’t associate with religious 0 5 0 0
leaders
Total
188
youth,
of
174
(3)
faith
police
police
How
in
to
in
184
207
negative
police
app
protec
deal
with
viol
their
commun
context
shapes
se
Many
youth
perceive
from
violence
in
thei
police
have
limited
pow
Ain’t
nothing
could
prot
somebody
going
to
do?
W
people
up?
A
few
days
la
shot,
anything.
God
forb
down?
.
.
.
Yeah,
[the
pol
they
could
do,
all
they
co
Donnells
and
words
protection
also
is
ref
impo
It’s
nothing
you
can
rea
happens
happens.
.
.
.
A
right
life,
going
to
the
r
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YOUTH VIOLENCE- CRIME OR SELF-HELP? 31
Many youth set the violence problem
Specifically, they attribute the plight of their
Youth argue that because of a lack of opportun
drawn to the informal economy as a means
2003). In this context, there is a perception th
to protectors. Reggie explains:
To tell you the truth police out there is like an
five-o, because five-o stops a nigga from making h
violence. It all got to do with jobs . . . if those pe
niggas would be off the street.
Timothy expresses the view that the crimi
violence problem reflects a lack of underst
incarceration propels and the belief that the
tunities following incarceration: “They don’t u
a brother, the more short of money he gonna
have to support himself to get back on trac
further enmeshed in criminal behavior the
to legal protection. For example, involvemen
decisions about citizen-initiated contact wit
has transpired. For youth who are active in
may not be an option because the youths’ m
For youth who are active in th
calling the police may not be a
the youths9 means of generatin
In line with their views and circumstanc
neighborhoods are linked to particular act
themselves; affiliation with others for pro
gerous times, places, and people. Even so, no
with certainty. Lonnie explains,
The way that people do it now . . . the way broth
is by having guns. . . . You got [to carry] man, b
try to smoke you and if you ain’t got a gun, you f
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32 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY
Perceived institutionalized corruption and
Underscoring youths’ views that police and
to quell violence in their areas are their perce
racially biased, class biased, a tool of state
shown in Table 1, more than 60 percent repo
tice system (63 percent) nor the police depart
reduce violence. Furthermore, many youth b
and religious leaders, and neighborhood adults
to intervene to resolve disputes (see Wilkinso
the police do engage them it creates more
them as criminals. The young identify a variet
ruption, including direct brutality, racially
planting evidence, failure to investigate cases
some strongly believe that police harassment
violence by “irritating people and putting the
are illustrative of youths’ perceptions of poli
Joshua: The cops working my neighborhood don’t
you gonna send white cops to a black neighborho
cause all they gonna see is the black faces that’s
same. The ones that’s not committing crimes l
crimes and everybody is getting harassed.
Tyrone: The police, they happy, they catch you wi
the police planting stuff on people, they going c
Dexter: They make it worser cause niggas [the p
crooked theyself, you know what I mean? The
up on the drug spot, take my drugs, they’ll sell t
go rush-knock somebody else.
Khalid: They be starting violence too. Like when
I wasn’t suppose to be doing that. [They should]
They catch you doing something put in the car a
shit beating you up ain’t necessary.
Lamont: They be wilding on people when they ap
with no type of respect, nigga [police officer] ju
hit the floor.
Reed: Nah, all they do is harass people. The more people they harass the more people
gonna want to get in trouble . . . they should stop harassing people.
In accounting for police corruption, youth often express the belief that the
criminal justice system and police department are vested in the economic profits
and/or job security maintained by jailing members of their community. Parker
believes that the criminal justice system is all about profits for “the white man”:
The lawyers in the court system they ain’t trying to help you they trying to make you cop
out. They don’t care about the blacks all they care about is they pockets getting fat. The
more time you do in jail the more they pockets get fat.
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YOUTH VIOLENCE- CRIME OR SELF-HELP? 33
Antony elaborates:
If there was no violence and no crimes, there wo
ask you something, would you kill out all the rats,
you kill off all the rats in six months? No. Because
Lack of faith in police protection
Youth acknowledge pervasive gun use and
argue that police officers who are paid to ”
despite the dangers. DJ notes that “They are s
come around where guns are being fired cause
feels that police officers in his neighborhood
jects where their help is needed most: “They
house side instead of being in the projects. T
the private housing than with somebody in th
comes down to a matter of trust: “Youth canno
the police do not trust young people.” Furth
they job, they need to trust, if we could trust
need guns for self-protection].” He describe
robbed and fired a gun at the fleeing robber,
even “old ladies” do not trust the police to pro
Some youth claim that the police do not
therefore believe that police show a lack of re
them or worse (use violence against them).
It depends on what beliefs. You still got bad c
cops. . . . If you stepping on me, grabbing on m
badge. No, . . . I’m human. First you got to talk t
to treat me human first.
Respondents perceive that because they are
their lives. George indicates that “They don’t
kill each other.” Echoing the same theme, M
doing:
The police should be getting a little close to the community. They don’t have no
(respect). They getting smart with you [more] than the person you already fighting with.
What kind of shit is that? It makes you not want to cooperate. . . . They can get real
involved in the community and show more respect.
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